Chủ đề về tự động hóa và tác động của nó đến bất bình đẳng thu nhập đang ngày càng trở nên phổ biến trong các kỳ thi IELTS Reading gần đây. Đây là một chủ đề thuộc lĩnh vực kinh tế-xã hội, thường xuất hiện dưới dạng các bài đọc học thuật về công nghệ, thị trường lao động và những thay đổi xã hội. Hiểu rõ chủ đề này không chỉ giúp bạn chuẩn bị tốt cho kỳ thi mà còn nâng cao hiểu biết về các xu hướng toàn cầu đang định hình tương lai việc làm.
Trong bài viết này, bạn sẽ được thực hành với một đề thi IELTS Reading hoàn chỉnh bao gồm 3 passages với độ khó tăng dần từ Easy đến Hard, tổng cộng 40 câu hỏi đa dạng giống thi thật. Mỗi passage đi kèm với đáp án chi tiết, giải thích cụ thể và bộ từ vựng quan trọng được phân tích kỹ lưỡng. Đề thi này phù hợp cho học viên từ band 5.0 trở lên, giúp bạn làm quen với format câu hỏi thực tế, rèn luyện kỹ năng skimming-scanning và nâng cao khả năng paraphrase – những kỹ năng then chốt để đạt band điểm cao trong IELTS Reading.
Hướng dẫn làm bài IELTS Reading
Tổng Quan Về IELTS Reading Test
IELTS Reading Test kéo dài 60 phút và bao gồm 3 passages với tổng cộng 40 câu hỏi. Mỗi câu trả lời đúng được tính là 1 điểm, không có điểm âm nếu trả lời sai.
Phân bổ thời gian khuyến nghị:
- Passage 1: 15-17 phút (độ khó Easy, câu hỏi 1-13)
- Passage 2: 18-20 phút (độ khó Medium, câu hỏi 14-26)
- Passage 3: 23-25 phút (độ khó Hard, câu hỏi 27-40)
Lưu ý: Không có thời gian bổ sung để chép đáp án sang Answer Sheet, vì vậy bạn cần quản lý thời gian chặt chẽ và viết đáp án trực tiếp vào phiếu trả lời trong 60 phút.
Các Dạng Câu Hỏi Trong Đề Này
Đề thi mẫu này bao gồm các dạng câu hỏi phổ biến nhất trong IELTS Reading:
- Multiple Choice – Trắc nghiệm nhiều lựa chọn
- True/False/Not Given – Xác định thông tin đúng/sai/không được đề cập
- Matching Headings – Nối tiêu đề với đoạn văn
- Sentence Completion – Hoàn thành câu
- Summary Completion – Hoàn thành đoạn tóm tắt
- Matching Features – Nối thông tin với đối tượng
- Short-answer Questions – Câu hỏi trả lời ngắn
IELTS Reading Practice Test
PASSAGE 1 – The Rise of Automation in Modern Workplaces
Độ khó: Easy (Band 5.0-6.5)
Thời gian đề xuất: 15-17 phút
The world of work is undergoing a dramatic transformation as automation technologies become increasingly sophisticated and widespread. From self-checkout machines in supermarkets to automated manufacturing lines in factories, machines are taking over tasks that were once performed exclusively by human workers. This shift towards automation has sparked considerable debate about its impact on employment and income distribution across different sectors of society.
Automation, in its simplest form, refers to the use of technology to perform tasks with minimal human intervention. While the concept is not new – mechanical looms revolutionized textile production in the 18th century – the pace and scope of modern automation are unprecedented. Today’s technologies, powered by artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning, can handle not just repetitive physical tasks but also complex cognitive functions such as data analysis, customer service, and even medical diagnosis.
The adoption of automation varies significantly across industries. Manufacturing has been at the forefront of this trend, with robots now performing tasks ranging from welding car parts to packaging consumer goods. The automotive industry, for instance, employs thousands of robots that can work 24 hours a day without breaks, producing vehicles with remarkable precision and consistency. Similarly, the logistics sector has embraced automation through warehouse robots and autonomous delivery vehicles, dramatically improving efficiency and reducing operational costs.
However, the impact of automation extends far beyond blue-collar jobs. White-collar professions are also experiencing significant changes. Accounting software can now process financial transactions and generate reports that once required teams of bookkeepers. Legal research tools powered by AI can review thousands of documents in minutes, a task that would take human lawyers weeks to complete. Even creative fields are not immune – algorithms can compose music, write news articles, and design graphics.
The relationship between automation and income inequality is complex and multifaceted. On one hand, automation can lead to job displacement, particularly affecting workers in routine and repetitive roles. When companies replace human workers with machines, those displaced employees may struggle to find new employment, especially if they lack the skills required for the changing job market. This can result in prolonged unemployment or underemployment, pushing affected workers into lower-paying positions and widening the income gap between different social groups.
On the other hand, automation creates new opportunities and can potentially increase overall productivity and economic growth. As machines take over mundane tasks, human workers can focus on more creative, strategic, and interpersonal activities that require uniquely human capabilities such as emotional intelligence, critical thinking, and innovation. Companies that successfully implement automation often see increased profits, which could theoretically be distributed to benefit workers through higher wages or shorter working hours.
The key question is whether the benefits of automation are shared equitably across society. Research suggests that the gains from automation have been disproportionately captured by business owners, shareholders, and highly skilled workers who can work alongside advanced technologies, while low-skilled workers face declining wages and job security. This divergence in outcomes contributes to growing income inequality, with the wealthy becoming wealthier while the economic prospects of middle and lower-income groups stagnate or decline.
Educational attainment plays a crucial role in determining who benefits from automation and who is left behind. Workers with advanced degrees and specialized skills in fields like software engineering, data science, and robotics maintenance are in high demand and command premium salaries. Meanwhile, those with only basic education or training in routine manual tasks find their job prospects diminishing as machines become more capable and cost-effective alternatives to human labour.
Geographic factors also influence how automation affects income inequality. Urban areas with thriving technology sectors tend to offer more opportunities for high-skilled workers, while rural and post-industrial regions that relied heavily on manufacturing jobs face economic decline as factories automate or relocate. This spatial inequality can create a vicious cycle where talented young people leave struggling regions for better opportunities elsewhere, further concentrating wealth and economic activity in already prosperous areas.
Policymakers face the challenge of managing the transition to an increasingly automated economy while ensuring that the benefits are broadly shared. Proposals include strengthening social safety nets, investing in education and retraining programs, implementing progressive taxation on the profits generated by automation, and even exploring concepts like universal basic income. The goal is to help workers adapt to the changing labour market while preventing automation from exacerbating existing inequalities.
In conclusion, automation represents both an opportunity and a challenge for modern societies. While it has the potential to increase productivity and free humans from tedious work, it also risks widening income gaps if not managed carefully. The ultimate impact of automation on income inequality will depend largely on the policy choices made today and the ability of educational systems to prepare workers for the jobs of tomorrow.
Questions 1-13
Questions 1-5: Multiple Choice
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C, or D.
-
According to the passage, modern automation differs from historical automation because it:
- A. Only affects manufacturing jobs
- B. Can perform both physical and cognitive tasks
- C. Is cheaper to implement
- D. Requires more human supervision
-
The automotive industry is mentioned as an example of:
- A. An industry resistant to automation
- B. A sector experiencing job growth
- C. Early adoption of robotic technology
- D. The negative effects of automation
-
White-collar jobs affected by automation include:
- A. Only accounting positions
- B. Legal and financial professions
- C. Creative fields exclusively
- D. Customer service roles only
-
According to the passage, automation can potentially increase income inequality by:
- A. Reducing company profits
- B. Creating too many new jobs
- C. Displacing workers in routine roles
- D. Eliminating all manual labour
-
Educational attainment is important because it:
- A. Guarantees employment
- B. Determines who can benefit from automation
- C. Prevents job displacement
- D. Reduces the need for retraining
Questions 6-9: True/False/Not Given
Do the following statements agree with the information given in the passage?
Write:
- TRUE if the statement agrees with the information
- FALSE if the statement contradicts the information
- NOT GIVEN if there is no information on this
-
Mechanical looms in the 18th century were the first form of automation in human history.
-
Robots in the automotive industry can work continuously without requiring breaks.
-
All creative professionals have been replaced by algorithms.
-
Income gains from automation have been evenly distributed across all social classes.
Questions 10-13: Sentence Completion
Complete the sentences below.
Choose NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage for each answer.
-
Workers who lose their jobs to automation may experience __ or move to lower-paying positions.
-
Human workers possess __ that machines cannot replicate, such as emotional intelligence.
-
Geographic inequality creates a __ where talented individuals leave struggling areas.
-
Policymakers have proposed concepts such as __ to address income inequality caused by automation.
PASSAGE 2 – Economic Theories on Automation and Wage Distribution
Độ khó: Medium (Band 6.0-7.5)
Thời gian đề xuất: 18-20 phút
The relationship between technological advancement and income distribution has been a subject of scholarly debate for centuries, but the current wave of automation presents unique challenges that warrant fresh examination. Economists have developed various theoretical frameworks to understand how automation affects wage structures and income inequality, each offering distinct perspectives on the mechanisms at play and the likely outcomes for different segments of the workforce.
Classical economic theory, rooted in the work of economists like David Ricardo and John Stuart Mill, suggests that technological progress, including automation, is generally benign for society in the long run. According to this view, while technological change may cause temporary disruptions in the labour market, it ultimately leads to increased productivity and higher living standards for all. The theory posits that workers displaced by new technologies will eventually find employment in emerging sectors, and that the overall economic expansion generated by productivity gains will create sufficient demand for labour to absorb displaced workers. This optimistic perspective dominated economic thinking for much of the 20th century.
However, more recent theoretical developments have challenged this sanguine view. The skill-biased technological change (SBTC) hypothesis, which gained prominence in the 1980s and 1990s, argues that modern technologies disproportionately benefit workers with higher levels of education and skills while reducing demand for less-skilled workers. Under this framework, automation acts as a complement to skilled labour but a substitute for unskilled labour. For instance, computer systems enhance the productivity of engineers and analysts but replace assembly line workers and data entry clerks. This asymmetric impact creates a bifurcated labour market where high-skilled workers see their wages rise while low-skilled workers face stagnant or declining compensation.
The SBTC hypothesis helps explain the widening wage gap between college-educated and high school-educated workers observed in many developed economies since the 1980s. Statistical evidence shows a strong correlation between the proliferation of computer technology and the growing earnings premium associated with higher education. As firms invested heavily in information technology, they increasingly sought workers who could effectively utilize these tools, driving up demand and wages for technically proficient employees while reducing opportunities for those without such capabilities.
Building on SBTC theory, the concept of task-based automation offers a more nuanced analysis of how specific job functions are affected by technology. Developed by economists Daron Acemoglu and David Autor, this framework distinguishes between routine tasks – those that can be codified and performed by machines – and non-routine tasks that require human judgment, flexibility, and interpersonal skills. Routine tasks exist across both blue-collar and white-collar occupations, from assembly line work to data processing. Automation tends to target these routine tasks, potentially affecting workers at various skill levels.
This task-based perspective reveals a more complex picture than simple high-skill versus low-skill divisions. Middle-skill jobs that involve primarily routine tasks – such as clerical work, manufacturing operations, and basic bookkeeping – are particularly vulnerable to automation. Meanwhile, both high-skill jobs requiring abstract reasoning and problem-solving (like engineering and management) and low-skill jobs requiring manual dexterity and adaptability in unpredictable environments (such as home health care or food service) are relatively more insulated from automation. This dynamic contributes to job polarization, where employment grows at the top and bottom of the wage distribution while middle-class jobs hollow out.
Another important theoretical perspective focuses on the distributional consequences of who owns the technology. As automation increases productivity, the economic gains must be divided between labour income (wages) and capital income (profits and returns on investment). If automation-driven productivity growth primarily accrues to capital owners rather than workers, income inequality will widen even if overall economic output increases. This concern is particularly acute given trends showing that labour’s share of national income has declined in many countries over recent decades, while returns to capital have increased.
The bargaining power of workers relative to employers also plays a crucial role in determining how automation affects income distribution. When labour markets are tight and workers have strong collective bargaining rights through unions or other mechanisms, they are better positioned to negotiate for their share of productivity gains. Conversely, in environments where workers have limited negotiating leverage – due to factors such as union decline, globalisation, or high unemployment – employers can capture a larger portion of the benefits from automation, exacerbating income inequality.
Network effects and winner-take-all dynamics in technology-driven markets further complicate the relationship between automation and income inequality. In many digital sectors, a small number of firms achieve dominant market positions, generating enormous profits for their owners and highly paid executives while employing relatively few workers. For example, technology giants like Amazon and Google have market valuations in the hundreds of billions of dollars but employ far fewer people per unit of revenue than traditional retailers or manufacturers. This concentration of economic value in a handful of firms and individuals can dramatically increase income inequality even as these companies provide useful services to millions of consumers.
Geographic clustering of automation-related industries also influences regional income inequality. Technology hubs like Silicon Valley, Seattle, and Austin attract highly skilled workers and generate substantial wealth, but these benefits are geographically concentrated. Workers in regions dependent on industries susceptible to automation – such as traditional manufacturing or routine clerical work – may face declining economic prospects without access to the opportunities available in thriving tech centres. This spatial dimension of inequality can perpetuate regional disparities and limit social mobility for those unable to relocate.
Recent empirical research has begun to test these theoretical predictions against real-world data, yielding mixed results. Some studies find evidence supporting the view that automation increases income inequality by displacing workers and concentrating gains among capital owners and highly skilled workers. Other research suggests that the negative impacts may be overstated, noting that many jobs adapt rather than disappear entirely, and that new occupations emerge to replace those automated away. The actual outcomes likely depend on specific contextual factors, including the pace of technological change, the responsiveness of educational systems, and the policy environment.
Understanding these various theoretical perspectives is essential for developing effective policy responses. If automation’s effects are primarily skill-biased, then investing in education and training may help workers adapt. If the issue is one of distribution between labour and capital, then tax policy and corporate governance reforms might be more appropriate. If bargaining power is the key factor, then strengthening workers’ rights and labour market institutions could help ensure more equitable outcomes. Most likely, a comprehensive approach addressing multiple dimensions of the problem will be necessary to ensure that automation benefits society broadly rather than exacerbating existing inequalities.
Questions 14-26
Questions 14-18: Yes/No/Not Given
Do the following statements agree with the views of the writer in the passage?
Write:
- YES if the statement agrees with the views of the writer
- NO if the statement contradicts the views of the writer
- NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this
-
Classical economic theory accurately predicted all the effects of modern automation.
-
The skill-biased technological change hypothesis explains why college-educated workers have seen wage increases.
-
All middle-skill jobs are equally vulnerable to automation.
-
Technology companies employ fewer workers per unit of revenue than traditional businesses.
-
Educational investment alone is sufficient to address automation-related inequality.
Questions 19-22: Matching Headings
The passage has seven paragraphs (Paragraphs 3-9). Choose the correct heading for paragraphs 3, 5, 7, and 9 from the list of headings below.
List of Headings:
- i. The role of worker bargaining power
- ii. Classical economic optimism about technology
- iii. The unequal distribution of automation benefits
- iv. Regional disparities in automation’s effects
- v. Routine versus non-routine tasks
- vi. The decline of manufacturing jobs
- vii. Evidence from statistical studies
- viii. The growth of technology monopolies
- Paragraph 3 (begins with “Classical economic theory…”)
- Paragraph 5 (begins with “Building on SBTC theory…”)
- Paragraph 7 (begins with “The bargaining power…”)
- Paragraph 9 (begins with “Geographic clustering…”)
Questions 23-26: Summary Completion
Complete the summary below.
Choose NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS from the passage for each answer.
The skill-biased technological change hypothesis suggests that automation acts as a complement to skilled workers but a 23. __ for unskilled workers. This creates a 24. __ labour market where highly educated workers earn more while others struggle. The task-based automation framework reveals that middle-skill jobs involving 25. __ are particularly at risk, leading to job polarization. Meanwhile, the concentration of wealth in a few technology firms creates 26. __ dynamics that increase income inequality.
PASSAGE 3 – Empirical Evidence and Policy Implications of Automation-Driven Inequality
Độ khó: Hard (Band 7.0-9.0)
Thời gian đề xuất: 23-25 phút
The proliferation of automation technologies across diverse economic sectors has prompted a surge in empirical research aimed at quantifying their precise effects on income distribution and employment patterns. While theoretical frameworks provide valuable conceptual tools for understanding potential mechanisms, rigorous empirical analysis is essential to distinguish between speculative scenarios and observable realities. Recent studies employing sophisticated econometric techniques and leveraging granular data from multiple countries have begun to paint a more detailed, albeit still incomplete, picture of automation’s actual impact on income inequality.
Nghiên cứu thực nghiệm về tác động của tự động hóa đến bất bình đẳng thu nhập trong các ngành công nghiệp
A seminal study by Acemoglu and Restrepo (2020) examined the impact of industrial robots on local labour markets in the United States between 1990 and 2007. Employing a quasi-experimental design that exploited regional variation in robot adoption – largely driven by industry composition rather than local economic conditions – the researchers found that each additional robot per thousand workers reduced the employment-to-population ratio by approximately 0.2 percentage points and lowered wages by 0.37 percent. Moreover, the negative effects were disproportionately concentrated among workers without college degrees, particularly those in routine manual occupations. This spatial analysis revealed that commuting zones with greater exposure to automation experienced not only job losses but also significant declines in wage growth, suggesting that the impact extended beyond direct displacement to affect overall labour market conditions.
Extending this line of inquiry to a broader set of technologies, Autor and Salomons (2018) conducted a cross-country analysis examining the relationship between technological change and employment across 19 countries over four decades. Their findings challenged the dystopian narrative of widespread technological unemployment, demonstrating that industries experiencing rapid productivity growth due to automation actually showed employment increases at the aggregate level. However, this ostensibly positive result masked significant heterogeneity in outcomes. While some workers – particularly those with complementary skills – benefited from productivity-induced demand expansion, others faced displacement and wage stagnation. The study underscored the importance of spillover effects and general equilibrium considerations: automation in one sector could create jobs in others through increased consumer spending and demand for complementary services, but these new opportunities might not be accessible to displaced workers due to skill mismatches or geographic constraints.
Research focusing specifically on income inequality has yielded particularly compelling evidence of automation’s distributional consequences. Analyzing data from the Luxembourg Income Study, which provides harmonized household income data across multiple countries, economists have documented a strong correlation between the adoption of computer-controlled machinery and the growth of the Gini coefficient – a standard measure of income inequality. Countries that experienced more rapid automation saw larger increases in income concentration at the top of the distribution, with the top 1 percent capturing an outsized share of economic gains. This pattern persisted even after controlling for other factors known to influence inequality, such as globalisation, declining unionisation, and changes in tax progressivity.
The occupational structure of employment has undergone dramatic reconfiguration in response to automation, with profound implications for income distribution. Berg, Buffie, and Zanna (2018), working with International Monetary Fund data, documented that middle-skill occupations – including administrative support, production workers, and operators – have declined as a share of total employment in virtually all advanced economies. Simultaneously, both high-skill occupations requiring advanced education and low-skill service jobs have expanded, creating the polarized labour market predicted by task-based automation theories. This hollowing out of the middle class contributes directly to income inequality by reducing the number of jobs offering middle-class wages, forcing workers into either highly paid professional positions (accessible only to those with extensive education) or low-paid service roles.
Longitudinal studies tracking individual workers over time provide particularly valuable insights into the mechanisms through which automation affects economic outcomes. Research by Cortes, Jaimovich, and Siu (2020) followed workers displaced from routine occupations and found that they experienced substantial and persistent earnings losses averaging 10-15 percent even years after displacement. Many downwardly mobile workers transitioned to lower-skill service occupations with reduced wages and benefits, while others withdrew from the labour force entirely. The study revealed that earnings trajectories diverged significantly based on workers’ initial educational attainment and geographic location, with college-educated workers in dynamic urban markets recovering more quickly than those with limited education in economically stagnant regions.
The interaction between automation and other macroeconomic trends complicates efforts to isolate its independent effects on inequality. Globalisation and automation often work in tandem, as firms simultaneously adopt labour-saving technologies and offshore production to countries with lower labour costs. Decomposition analyses attempting to separate these effects suggest that automation and trade reinforced each other’s impacts on inequality, together accounting for a substantial portion of the decline in labour income share and the wage stagnation experienced by middle-income workers in developed countries. Furthermore, weakening labour market institutions – including declining union density and eroding minimum wage protections – may have amplified automation’s disequalizing effects by reducing workers’ ability to claim a share of productivity gains.
The COVID-19 pandemic has served as an unexpected natural experiment, accelerating automation adoption and revealing its potential long-term consequences for income inequality. Faced with public health restrictions and operational challenges, many firms rapidly deployed technologies previously considered too expensive or risky, from contactless payment systems to automated warehousing solutions. Research by Chernoff and Warman (2021) found that occupations amenable to telework – which disproportionately consist of high-paying professional jobs – weathered the pandemic relatively well, while workers in non-automatable service occupations requiring physical presence but lacking opportunities for remote work experienced severe employment and income losses. This bifurcated pandemic experience risks entrenching and exacerbating pre-existing inequalities.
Drawing on this empirical evidence, economists and policymakers have proposed various interventions to mitigate automation-driven inequality. One prominent recommendation involves substantial investment in human capital development, particularly in skills complementary to automation such as complex problem-solving, creativity, and interpersonal communication. However, critics note that educational upgrading alone cannot address inequality if the number of high-skill jobs created by automation is insufficient to employ all qualified workers, or if credential inflation merely ratchets up educational requirements without increasing productivity. Moreover, education-focused solutions offer little help to current workers with limited capacity to acquire new skills.
Alternative policy proposals focus on the distributional mechanisms through which automation’s benefits are shared. These include progressive taxation of capital income and corporate profits, which could fund expanded social insurance programs or even universal basic income to ensure that productivity gains benefit society broadly. Some economists advocate for worker ownership structures or profit-sharing arrangements that would give employees a direct stake in automation-driven productivity improvements. Others emphasize the importance of strengthening collective bargaining institutions to restore workers’ negotiating power vis-à-vis employers.
A particularly innovative proposal involves robot taxes or automation levies – charges on firms proportional to their use of labour-replacing technologies. Proponents argue that such taxes could slow the pace of automation to a more socially manageable rate while generating revenue to support displaced workers and fund retraining programs. Critics, however, warn that taxing automation could stifle innovation, reduce competitiveness, and prove difficult to implement given the challenges of defining and measuring automation precisely. The optimal policy response likely involves a multifaceted approach combining elements of education, redistribution, labour market reform, and perhaps judicious technology regulation, calibrated to each country’s specific circumstances and institutional capabilities.
The empirical evidence accumulated thus far suggests that automation has indeed contributed to rising income inequality, though the magnitude of its effect remains contested and appears to vary across contexts. While automation need not inevitably increase inequality – its impact depends critically on institutional choices and policy responses – the distributional outcomes observed to date in many countries have been decidedly inegalitarian. Ensuring that future technological progress benefits society broadly rather than accruing narrowly to economic elites represents one of the central challenges facing contemporary policymakers. Meeting this challenge will require not only technical economic expertise but also political will to implement potentially controversial reforms in the face of opposition from entrenched interests who benefit from the current distribution of automation’s gains.
Questions 27-40
Questions 27-31: Multiple Choice
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C, or D.
- The Acemoglu and Restrepo (2020) study found that robot adoption:
- A. Had no effect on employment
- B. Increased wages for all workers
- C. Particularly affected workers without college degrees
- D. Only impacted manufacturing jobs
- According to Autor and Salomons (2018), industries with rapid automation:
- A. Always experienced employment declines
- B. Showed aggregate employment increases
- C. Had no change in employment levels
- D. Only created low-skilled jobs
- The Luxembourg Income Study revealed that:
- A. Automation reduced income inequality
- B. The Gini coefficient decreased with automation
- C. The top 1 percent captured a large share of gains
- D. All countries experienced the same inequality patterns
- Workers displaced from routine occupations experienced:
- A. Immediate recovery of earnings
- B. Persistent earnings losses of 10-15 percent
- C. Better job opportunities
- D. No long-term effects
- The COVID-19 pandemic’s effect on automation:
- A. Slowed down technology adoption
- B. Equally affected all occupations
- C. Accelerated automation deployment
- D. Reversed automation trends
Questions 32-36: Matching Features
Match each policy proposal (32-36) with the correct description (A-H).
Policy Proposals:
32. Human capital development
33. Robot taxes
34. Progressive taxation
35. Worker ownership structures
36. Universal basic income
Descriptions:
- A. Charges on firms using labour-replacing technologies
- B. Giving employees a direct stake in productivity improvements
- C. Investment in skills complementary to automation
- D. Reducing educational requirements for jobs
- E. Providing regular payments to all citizens
- F. Taxation of capital income and corporate profits
- G. Eliminating all taxes on businesses
- H. Preventing all forms of automation
Questions 37-40: Short-answer Questions
Answer the questions below.
Choose NO MORE THAN THREE WORDS from the passage for each answer.
-
What type of design did Acemoglu and Restrepo use to study the impact of robots?
-
What measure of income inequality is mentioned as correlating with automation adoption?
-
What type of labour market does automation create according to empirical evidence?
-
What two factors, working together, account for much of the decline in labour income share?
Answer Keys – Đáp Án
PASSAGE 1: Questions 1-13
- B
- C
- B
- C
- B
- NOT GIVEN
- TRUE
- FALSE
- FALSE
- prolonged unemployment
- uniquely human capabilities
- vicious cycle
- universal basic income
PASSAGE 2: Questions 14-26
- NO
- YES
- NOT GIVEN
- YES
- NO
- ii
- v
- i
- iv
- substitute
- bifurcated
- routine tasks
- winner-take-all
PASSAGE 3: Questions 27-40
- C
- B
- C
- B
- C
- C
- A
- F
- B
- E
- quasi-experimental design
- Gini coefficient
- polarized labour market
- automation and trade
Giải Thích Đáp Án Chi Tiết
Passage 1 – Giải Thích
Câu 1: B
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: modern automation, differs, historical automation
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 2, dòng 4-6
- Giải thích: Bài đọc nói rõ “Today’s technologies, powered by artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning, can handle not just repetitive physical tasks but also complex cognitive functions such as data analysis, customer service, and even medical diagnosis.” Điều này cho thấy tự động hóa hiện đại khác biệt vì có thể thực hiện cả nhiệm vụ vật lý lẫn nhận thức phức tạp.
Câu 2: C
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: automotive industry, example
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 3, dòng 3-5
- Giải thích: Ngành ô tô được đề cập như một ví dụ về “Manufacturing has been at the forefront of this trend” – nghĩa là việc áp dụng công nghệ robot sớm và tích cực.
Câu 3: B
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: white-collar jobs, affected
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 4
- Giải thích: Bài đọc liệt kê: “Accounting software…Legal research tools…algorithms can compose music, write news articles” – bao gồm cả ngành tài chính và pháp lý.
Câu 6: NOT GIVEN
- Dạng câu hỏi: True/False/Not Given
- Từ khóa: mechanical looms, first form of automation
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 2
- Giải thích: Bài chỉ nói mechanical looms “revolutionized textile production in the 18th century” nhưng không khẳng định đây là hình thức tự động hóa đầu tiên trong lịch sử.
Câu 7: TRUE
- Dạng câu hỏi: True/False/Not Given
- Từ khóa: robots, automotive industry, work continuously
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 3
- Giải thích: “robots now performing tasks…can work 24 hours a day without breaks” – khớp chính xác với câu hỏi.
Câu 10: prolonged unemployment
- Dạng câu hỏi: Sentence Completion
- Từ khóa: lose jobs, automation, experience
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 5
- Giải thích: “This can result in prolonged unemployment or underemployment” – đáp án phải lấy không quá hai từ.
Câu 13: universal basic income
- Dạng câu hỏi: Sentence Completion
- Từ khóa: policymakers, proposed concepts
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 9
- Giải thích: “exploring concepts like universal basic income” – chính xác ba từ như yêu cầu.
Passage 2 – Giải Thích
Câu 14: NO
- Dạng câu hỏi: Yes/No/Not Given
- Từ khóa: Classical economic theory, accurately predicted
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 2-3
- Giải thích: Bài viết nói “more recent theoretical developments have challenged this sanguine view” – cho thấy lý thuyết cổ điển không dự đoán chính xác tất cả các tác động.
Câu 15: YES
- Dạng câu hỏi: Yes/No/Not Given
- Từ khóa: SBTC, explains, wage increases
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 4
- Giải thích: “The SBTC hypothesis helps explain the widening wage gap between college-educated and high school-educated workers” – tác giả đồng ý với quan điểm này.
Câu 19: ii
- Dạng câu hỏi: Matching Headings
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 3
- Giải thích: Đoạn văn bắt đầu với “Classical economic theory” và thảo luận về quan điểm lạc quan của nó về công nghệ, khớp với heading “Classical economic optimism about technology”.
Câu 20: v
- Dạng câu hỏi: Matching Headings
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 5
- Giải thích: Đoạn văn tập trung vào “task-based automation” và phân biệt giữa “routine tasks” và “non-routine tasks”, khớp hoàn hảo với heading này.
Câu 23: substitute
- Dạng câu hỏi: Summary Completion
- Từ khóa: acts as, for unskilled workers
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 3
- Giải thích: “automation acts as a complement to skilled labour but a substitute for unskilled labour” – đối lập với complement là substitute.
Câu 26: winner-take-all
- Dạng câu hỏi: Summary Completion
- Từ khóa: concentration of wealth, dynamics
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 8
- Giải thích: “Network effects and winner-take-all dynamics in technology-driven markets” – cụm từ chính xác từ bài đọc.
Passage 3 – Giải Thích
Câu 27: C
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: Acemoglu and Restrepo, robot adoption
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 2
- Giải thích: “the negative effects were disproportionately concentrated among workers without college degrees” – đáp án C phản ánh chính xác thông tin này.
Câu 28: B
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: Autor and Salomons, rapid automation
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 3
- Giải thích: “industries experiencing rapid productivity growth due to automation actually showed employment increases at the aggregate level” – khớp với đáp án B.
Câu 30: B
- Dạng câu hỏi: Multiple Choice
- Từ khóa: displaced, routine occupations, experienced
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 6
- Giải thích: “workers displaced from routine occupations…experienced substantial and persistent earnings losses averaging 10-15 percent” – đáp án chính xác.
Câu 32: C
- Dạng câu hỏi: Matching Features
- Từ khóa: human capital development
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 8
- Giải thích: “substantial investment in human capital development, particularly in skills complementary to automation” – khớp với mô tả C.
Câu 37: quasi-experimental design
- Dạng câu hỏi: Short-answer Questions
- Từ khóa: Acemoglu and Restrepo, design
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 2
- Giải thích: “Employing a quasi-experimental design that exploited regional variation” – đáp án chính xác ba từ.
Câu 38: Gini coefficient
- Dạng câu hỏi: Short-answer Questions
- Từ khóa: measure, income inequality
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 4
- Giải thích: “the growth of the Gini coefficient – a standard measure of income inequality” – hai từ chính xác.
Câu 40: automation and trade
- Dạng câu hỏi: Short-answer Questions
- Từ khóa: two factors, decline, labour income share
- Vị trí trong bài: Đoạn 7
- Giải thích: “automation and trade reinforced each other’s impacts…together accounting for a substantial portion of the decline in labour income share” – ba từ như yêu cầu.
Từ Vựng Quan Trọng Theo Passage
Passage 1 – Essential Vocabulary
| Từ vựng | Loại từ | Phiên âm | Nghĩa tiếng Việt | Ví dụ từ bài | Collocation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| sophisticated | adj | /səˈfɪstɪkeɪtɪd/ | tinh vi, phức tạp | automation technologies become increasingly sophisticated | sophisticated technology/system |
| unprecedented | adj | /ʌnˈpresɪdentɪd/ | chưa từng có | the pace and scope of modern automation are unprecedented | unprecedented change/growth |
| forefront | n | /ˈfɔːfrʌnt/ | vị trí tiên phong | Manufacturing has been at the forefront of this trend | at the forefront of |
| displaced | adj | /dɪsˈpleɪst/ | bị thay thế, mất việc | when companies replace human workers, those displaced employees | displaced workers/employees |
| multifaceted | adj | /ˌmʌltiˈfæsɪtɪd/ | nhiều mặt, đa diện | The relationship is complex and multifaceted | multifaceted problem/issue |
| repetitive | adj | /rɪˈpetətɪv/ | lặp đi lặp lại | particularly affecting workers in routine and repetitive roles | repetitive tasks/work |
| underemployment | n | /ˌʌndərɪmˈplɔɪmənt/ | tình trạng làm việc dưới trình độ | prolonged unemployment or underemployment | chronic underemployment |
| divergence | n | /daɪˈvɜːdʒəns/ | sự khác biệt, phân kỳ | This divergence in outcomes contributes to growing inequality | divergence in/between |
| premium | n/adj | /ˈpriːmiəm/ | cao cấp, phí bảo hiểm | command premium salaries | premium price/quality |
| vicious cycle | n phrase | /ˈvɪʃəs ˈsaɪkl/ | vòng luẩn quẩn xấu | can create a vicious cycle where talented young people leave | trapped in a vicious cycle |
| spatial inequality | n phrase | /ˈspeɪʃl ˌɪnɪˈkwɒləti/ | bất bình đẳng về không gian | This spatial inequality can create problems | address spatial inequality |
| progressive taxation | n phrase | /prəˈɡresɪv tækˈseɪʃn/ | thuế lũy tiến | implementing progressive taxation on profits | progressive taxation system |
Passage 2 – Essential Vocabulary
| Từ vựng | Loại từ | Phiên âm | Nghĩa tiếng Việt | Ví dụ từ bài | Collocation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| warrant | v | /ˈwɒrənt/ | đòi hỏi, bảo đảm | the current wave of automation presents challenges that warrant fresh examination | warrant attention/consideration |
| benign | adj | /bɪˈnaɪn/ | lành tính, tốt | technological progress is generally benign for society | benign effect/influence |
| absorb | v | /əbˈzɔːb/ | hấp thụ | create sufficient demand for labour to absorb displaced workers | absorb workers/costs |
| disproportionately | adv | /ˌdɪsprəˈpɔːʃənətli/ | không cân xứng | modern technologies disproportionately benefit workers | disproportionately affect/impact |
| asymmetric | adj | /ˌeɪsɪˈmetrɪk/ | bất đối xứng | This asymmetric impact creates a bifurcated labour market | asymmetric information/impact |
| bifurcated | adj | /ˈbaɪfəkeɪtɪd/ | chia đôi, phân hai | creates a bifurcated labour market | bifurcated system/structure |
| proliferation | n | /prəˌlɪfəˈreɪʃn/ | sự gia tăng nhanh | the proliferation of computer technology | nuclear proliferation |
| nuanced | adj | /ˈnjuːɑːnst/ | tinh tế, nhiều sắc thái | offers a more nuanced analysis | nuanced understanding/view |
| vulnerable | adj | /ˈvʌlnərəbl/ | dễ bị tổn thương | are particularly vulnerable to automation | vulnerable to attack/criticism |
| insulated | adj | /ˈɪnsjuleɪtɪd/ | được bảo vệ, cách ly | are relatively more insulated from automation | insulated from competition |
| bargaining power | n phrase | /ˈbɑːɡənɪŋ ˈpaʊə/ | khả năng thương lượng | The bargaining power of workers | strong bargaining power |
| exacerbate | v | /ɪɡˈzæsəbeɪt/ | làm trầm trọng thêm | employers can capture benefits, exacerbating income inequality | exacerbate problems/tensions |
| perpetuate | v | /pəˈpetʃueɪt/ | duy trì, kéo dài | can perpetuate regional disparities | perpetuate stereotypes/myths |
| contextual factors | n phrase | /kənˈtekstʃuəl ˈfæktəz/ | yếu tố bối cảnh | outcomes depend on specific contextual factors | consider contextual factors |
| comprehensive | adj | /ˌkɒmprɪˈhensɪv/ | toàn diện | a comprehensive approach addressing multiple dimensions | comprehensive study/plan |
Passage 3 – Essential Vocabulary
| Từ vựng | Loại từ | Phiên âm | Nghĩa tiếng Việt | Ví dụ từ bài | Collocation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| proliferation | n | /prəˌlɪfəˈreɪʃn/ | sự gia tăng nhanh | The proliferation of automation technologies | rapid proliferation |
| speculative | adj | /ˈspekjələtɪv/ | mang tính suy đoán | distinguish between speculative scenarios and observable realities | speculative investment/theory |
| econometric | adj | /ɪˌkɒnəˈmetrɪk/ | thuộc kinh tế lượng | employing sophisticated econometric techniques | econometric analysis/model |
| granular | adj | /ˈɡrænjələ/ | chi tiết, cụ thể | leveraging granular data from multiple countries | granular data/information |
| quasi-experimental | adj | /ˌkweɪzaɪ ɪkˌsperɪˈmentl/ | bán thực nghiệm | Employing a quasi-experimental design | quasi-experimental study |
| dystopian | adj | /dɪsˈtəʊpiən/ | bi quan, đen tối | challenged the dystopian narrative | dystopian future/vision |
| heterogeneity | n | /ˌhetərəʊdʒəˈniːəti/ | tính không đồng nhất | this result masked significant heterogeneity in outcomes | considerable heterogeneity |
| spillover effects | n phrase | /ˈspɪləʊvə ɪˈfekts/ | hiệu ứng lan tỏa | the importance of spillover effects | positive spillover effects |
| harmonized | adj | /ˈhɑːmənaɪzd/ | được hài hòa hóa | provides harmonized household income data | harmonized standards/data |
| reconfiguration | n | /ˌriːkənˌfɪɡjəˈreɪʃn/ | sự cấu hình lại | has undergone dramatic reconfiguration | major reconfiguration |
| longitudinal | adj | /ˌlɒndʒɪˈtjuːdɪnl/ | theo chiều dọc, dài hạn | Longitudinal studies tracking individual workers | longitudinal research/data |
| downwardly mobile | adj phrase | /ˈdaʊnwədli ˈməʊbaɪl/ | di chuyển xuống tầng lớp thấp hơn | Many downwardly mobile workers transitioned | downwardly mobile workers |
| bifurcated | adj | /ˈbaɪfəkeɪtɪd/ | chia đôi | This bifurcated pandemic experience | bifurcated system/approach |
| credential inflation | n phrase | /krɪˈdenʃl ɪnˈfleɪʃn/ | lạm phát bằng cấp | if credential inflation merely ratchets up requirements | combat credential inflation |
| entrenched interests | n phrase | /ɪnˈtrentʃt ˈɪntrəsts/ | lợi ích ăn sâu | opposition from entrenched interests | protect entrenched interests |
| inegalitarian | adj | /ˌɪnɪˌɡælɪˈteəriən/ | bất bình đẳng | outcomes have been decidedly inegalitarian | inegalitarian society/system |
| calibrated | adj | /ˈkælɪbreɪtɪd/ | được hiệu chỉnh | calibrated to each country’s specific circumstances | carefully calibrated response |
Kết bài
Qua bài luyện tập IELTS Reading toàn diện này về chủ đề “How Does Automation Affect Income Inequality?”, bạn đã được tiếp cận với một đề thi hoàn chỉnh mô phỏng chính xác kỳ thi thực tế. Ba passages với độ khó tăng dần từ Easy đến Hard đã cung cấp cho bạn cái nhìn đa chiều về tác động của tự động hóa đến bất bình đẳng thu nhập – từ những khái niệm cơ bản, qua các lý thuyết kinh tế, cho đến những bằng chứng thực nghiệm phức tạp.
Đề thi này không chỉ giúp bạn làm quen với các dạng câu hỏi đa dạng trong IELTS Reading mà còn trang bị cho bạn vốn từ vựng phong phú về chủ đề kinh tế-công nghệ – một trong những chủ đề thường xuyên xuất hiện trong kỳ thi. Phần đáp án chi tiết kèm theo giải thích cụ thể về vị trí thông tin và cách paraphrase sẽ giúp bạn hiểu rõ chiến lược làm bài hiệu quả, từ đó tự tin hơn khi đối mặt với các bài đọc khó.
Hãy dành thời gian xem lại những câu trả lời sai của mình, phân tích lý do và học từ những sai lầm đó. Đặc biệt chú ý đến các từ vựng được làm đậm trong passages – đây là những từ academic quan trọng thường xuất hiện trong IELTS. Luyện tập thường xuyên với các đề thi chất lượng như thế này sẽ giúp bạn cải thiện đáng kể band điểm Reading và đạt được mục tiêu IELTS của mình. Chúc bạn học tập hiệu quả và thành công rực rỡ trong kỳ thi sắp tới!